Sharon
Wall explores the popularity of “playing Indian” at Ontario summer camps. Having
children enact idealized narratives and images of the racialized “Indian” was very common from roughly 1920-1955,
she writes. It was a Canadian tradition
which had less to do with honouring aboriginal heritage than the idea that
idealized versions of native traditions offered a useful “anti-modern” outlet
for the children. Focusing on the Ontario camping establishment, Wall is
showing how a changing society and culture “intensified the appeal of Native
symbols, rituals and role playing” – and she is building on the scholarly tradition
of Philip Deloria, Playing Indian and
Shari Huhndorf, Going Native. She
shows how “playing Indian” at camp connected to new developments in society’s
understanding of the child; pointed to the need to find other forms of
belonging and “spirituality” in a secular age; and reflected a racialized
dimension. A key takeaway of this article for me: participation in these
symbols was “not without meaning” within the camp and may have afforded some
outlets for creativity and expression that were not normally available. At the
same time, it has to be underlined that camp participants fabricated the kinds
of scripts that were useful to them. The scripts were fictions – some with only
the most tenuous connection to aboriginal heritage. Wood shows how some people began to question
the design of Indian programming in the camps by the end of the 1940s.
The
participation in “native rituals” had a gendered element, we learn. Boys’s
activities focused on enacting “violent hypermasculinity” (consistent with the
views of “racial capitulation” of the day) and girls’s activities focused on
ideals of domesticity and craft-making with “Indian” themes. There is interesting evidence of the “ongoing
but limited” engagement of aboriginals at the camps. Wood is also careful to
bring out differences between the official camp literature on playing Indian
and what transpired in practice, drawing from a wide range of sources. She
acknowledges the difficulty of assessing impact and makes the interesting point
that adults as well as children in different ways were involved in a kind of identity work when they promoted or engaged in “playing Indian.”
One
criticism of the article is Wood’s use of the term anti-modern. I understand
that her point is that the camp promoters were contrasting modern, citified
life with an artificial construct of the native. But Wall is using as one of
her seminal texts Jackson Lears’ No Place
of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880-1920,
written more than 35 years ago. Although one of her other seminal texts, Ian
McKay’s Quest of the Folk: Antimodernism
and Cultural Selection in Twentieth-Century Nova Scotia is a more recent
work, I think that today it is generally harder to use terms like “modern” and
“anti-modern” confidently in the way it was once possible to. For example, a “getting
back to nature” movement can be seen as a response to modernity, but in another
way it is actually a part of modernization and urbanization, of developing new
spaces of leisure. The creation of the
park system (in many cases running into conflict with Native lands, it must be said) and development of the infrastructure for these camps: all of these are
“modern” prerequisites for the so-called “antimodern” need to get back to
nature. And it is in line with other developments
of this era, such as outdoor education and physical education in the public
schools. Moreover, the openness to “new
ways of feeling and of experiencing the self” that is identified with camp
culture in the article strikes me as a laudable idea (usually), but not one
that is particularly modern OR anti-modern.
I did
like the wealth of resources referred to in this article. To add to Wall’s list
another article which came out following hers: Anne Marie Murnaghan of the University
of Manitoba has written “Exploring race and nation in playground propaganda in
early twentieth-century Toronto” (2013) in the International Journal of Play.
Hi Conrad,
ReplyDeleteThis is a really fascinating article and I like your response to Wall's commentary on the camps. I also appreciate the way you explain the multiple connotations of the term "anti-modern" as it was used 50 years ago and as it is used today. This is a great post!
In his interview for The Inconvenient Indian (the last reading in the coursepack), Thomas King talks about how he would play "Cowboys and Indians" with his friends during his childhood. The only problem was that no one, not even the girls, ever wanted to be the vilified Indians. So they played "Cowboys and Cowboys" instead.
Hi Conrad, thank you for your insightful note!
ReplyDeleteI really agreed with you about your "modern" and "anti-modern" opinion. I think nowadays a lot of things and activities really blurred the line between "modern" and "anti-modern". Your example of "going back to nature" is a very good example of the ambiguity of modernity and anti-modernity. Going back to nature is actually an activity developing new spaces of leisure in modernized way rather than simply a response to modernity.