Summary:
This chapter is a conclusion of Daschuk's (2013) book, titled Clearing
the Plains: Disease, the Politics of Starvation and the Loss of Aboriginal Life, which aims to examine "the
ECOLOGICAL, ECONOMIC, AND political forces that shaped the medical histories of
First Nations people in western Canada" (p. 181). Thus, his book outlines "the
origin of the health inequity between Indigenous and mainstream Canadians in
western Canada that persists into the twenty-first century" (p. 181). While
Daschuk (2013) was studying the history of aboriginal health, two
different stages emerged.
The
first phase was the period of introduced severe infectious diseases that spread
very quickly between unhealthy populations, bringing unique morality to the societies
influenced by such diseases (Daschuk, 2013). Daschuk (2013) argues that as the
global economic system extended to western Canada, dangerous epidemics swept
through the region. Daschuk (2013) emphasizes that "[m]icrobes cannot be
isolated from commerce" (p. 181). Although illness struck every community
in the area, the impacts of early outbreaks varied according to various
factors, such as population density, geographical location and mobility,
frequency of contact with outsiders, and access to imported goods (Daschuk,
2013). Daschuk (2013) stresses that every First Nations community in the west
was basically shaped by acute contagious disease. Additionally, Daschuk (2013)
points that the people of eastern Canada developed strong immunity as they had
longer experience with diseases. Thus, compared with the indigenous people of
western Canada, these eastern people were more likely to recover from these serious
epidemics (Daschuk, 2013). Daschuk (2013) uses the Assiniboine as an example to
explain how acute contagious diseases, such as smallpox, badly affected these
people and highlight the lessons the Assiniboine extracted from their
experience with this epidemic. Although the Assiniboine, who were among the
most well-known and densely populated First Nations on the eastern plains,
dominated southern Manitoba for 500 years, smallpox wiped out most of their
population (Daschuk, 2013). However, as the Assiniboine realized that this
disease spread through crowded communities, they started to leave certain
regions and intensify their occupation of others (Daschuk, 2013). Moreover,
Daschuk (2013) holds up the Niitsitapi of southern Alberta as an example to
demonstrate how the global economy contributed to the spread of diseases.
Daschuk (2013) points out that "Variola was delivered to the
western plains along an equestrian trade network that unwillingly served as a
disease vector between the Pueblos of the American southwest and Alberta"
(pp. 182-183).
Prior
to Canada's acquisition of the area, the aboriginal people of western Canada
had considerably changed their territory and economic orientation (Daschuk,
2013). These indigenous people signed treaties with the crown (Daschuk, 2013).
The relationship between First Nations and the Dominion of Canada symbolizes
the emergence of the second phase of health and disease discussed in Daschuk's
(2013) study. First Nations leaders regarded these treaties as "a bridge
to a future without bison", a "renewal of the social safety
net", "assistance in the conversion to agriculture", "medical
aid", and "famine relief" (Daschuk, 2013, p. 183). However, Daschuk
(2013) argues that these contracts were inequitable treaties used to damage the
economy of indigenous society by, for example, exterminating bison herds. As a
result, these native people lost their independence and power (Daschuk, 2013). Given
the loss of bison and the difficulty in converting to agriculture, poverty and
famine swept western Canada. This food crisis aggravated a number of subsequent
diseases such as tuberculosis (Daschuk, 2013). At the beginning of the famine
in the west, Canada did not have the people or infrastructure to provide enough
food for all indigenous people of western Canada. Although the government
managed to get life-saving supplies of food to the region in months, the
Conservative Party, elected in the fall of 1878, used food as a way to control
the native population (Daschuk, 2013). Therefore, between 15,000 and 20,000
people were on reserve and had to rest upon the government as their only source
of rations (Daschuk, 2013). Unfortunately, I.G. Baker, the main supplier of
food to the area, took advantage of the situation as it supplied, in
collaboration with some government officials, poor or rotten food to the hungry
to boost its profit (Daschuk, 2013). Additionally, Daschuk (2013) argues that
as this malnourished population living on reserves had no other source of food,
their reliance on provisions provided by the government made them exposed to
the predations of officials who abused their power. For example, women were
particularly in danger of sexual abuse by those who managed the flow of food.
For some women, prostitution became the sole way to provide food for their
families (Daschuk, 2013). As a result, sexually transmitted diseases spread
across the region. In addition, to fight the indigenous people revolution in
1885, Canada implemented the pass system and further cuts to DIA spending which
worsened the suffering on reserves and confined the population to the
government (Daschuk, 2013). Furthermore, the completion of the Canadian Pacific
Railway brought a large number of acute contagious diseases, such as the fatal
epidemics of measles, whooping cough, and influenza, which dropped the
demographics of various regions, like Saskatchewan (Daschuk, 2013). However,
Daschuk (2013) argues that "[o]fficials began to interpret the chronic bad
health of the indigenous population as a
condition of their race, claiming that tuberculosis was largely
hereditary" (p. 185). Daschuk (2013) argues that the belief in the
inherent vulnerability of indigenous people to disease completely marginalized
the aboriginal population. Instead of curing these serious epidemics by
improving the indigenous people's living conditions which were the main reason
for such diseases, Canada gave out antibiotics to all patients which led to the
resurgence of antibiotic-resistant tuberculosis (Daschuk, 2013). Additionally,
Daschuk (2013) highlights that the poor living conditions on reserves
contributed to the emergence of new "unnatural" epidemics such as
AIDS, diabetes, and suicide. Daschuk (2013) concludes this chapter by stating
that "the decline of First Nations health was the direct result of
economic and cultural suppression" (p. 186). Moreover, Daschuk (2013)
emphasizes that "[t]he gap between the health, living conditions, and
other social determinants of health of First Nations people and mainstream
Canadians continues as it has since the end of the nineteenth century" (p.
186).
Assessment,
critique and questions:
I
personally found Daschuk's (2013) chapter an interesting read as it discusses the
medical histories of First Nations people in western Canada. As an
international student who came to Canada last year, I have heard many people
talking about First Nations population. However, I was not too sure about who
the aboriginal people are and how they live, because we do not have any
indigenous population in Oman. Thus, I have become very curious to find out
about the history of First Nations people. Reading Daschuk's (2013) chapter, I
have gained considerable knowledge about the health of aboriginal people. I was
shocked to see the health inequity between Indigenous and mainstream Canadians
in western Canada, as well as how Canada used disease and starvation to
"clear the plains". Additionally, It was very interesting to know
that although "Canadians see themselves as world leaders in social
welfare, health care, and economic development, most reserves in Canada are
economic backwaters with little prospect of material advancement and more in
common with the third world than the rest of Canada" (Daschuk, 2013, p. 186).
I personally believe that this reality is in direct contradiction to how people
around the world perceive Canada.
I
think that Daschuk (2013) did a great job in this chapter because he examined
the history of First Nations health in western Canada through the ecological,
economic, and political lens. Moreover, Daschuk (2013) identifies two distinct
phases that help the readers understand the medical history of these indigenous
people. I personally believe that these two stages of health and disease
illustrate the experience of suffering that aboriginal population has lived
since the end of the nineteenth century (Daschuk, 2013). Additionally, Daschuk
(2013) uses examples of First Nations communities in the west, such as the Anishinable,
the Assiniboine, and the Saulteaux, in order to support and add an element of
authenticity to his arguments. Daschuk (2013) concludes this chapter by
emphasizing the rationale behind his book. Daschuk (2013) clearly states that
the "[i]dentification of the forces that have held indigenous communities
back might provide insights into what is required to bridge the gap between
First Nations communities and the rest of Canada today" (p. 186). On the
other hand, I think that Daschuk's (2013) chapter sounds like a one-sided
representation of the history of First Nations health in western Canada as
Daschuk (2013) does not use any scholars' perspective on this topic to support
his own arguments. Moreover, Daschuk (2013) does not cite the work of any
researchers in his chapter, thus I personally think that his conclusions might
not be conclusive. Additionally, Daschuk (2013) do not reveal the limitations
he might have encountered during his study. However, the fact that Daschuk
(2013) merely draws on data about a limited number of First Nations communities
in the west, such as the Anishinable and the Assiniboine, indicates that the
author was unable to collect data about the other aboriginal communities. Reading
Daschuk's (2013) chapter, the following questions came to my mind:
1.
Why
did Canada try to "clear the plains" from First Nations people?
2.
Wasn't
it possible to establish the Canadian government while saving the aboriginal
life?
3.
Why
didn't Canada consider saving the life of indigenous people and then using this
population as a means to boost the country's economy?
4.
Do you
agree with Daschuk (2013) that there is still a "gap between the health,
living conditions, and other social determinants of health of First Nations
people and mainstream Canadians continues as it has since the end of the nineteenth
century" (p. 186)?
5.
Do
you agree with the "[o]fficials [who] began to interpret the chronic bad
health of the indigenous population as a
condition of their race, claiming that tuberculosis was largely
hereditary" (Daschuk, 2013, p. 185)? Is it scientifically proven?
6.
Did
the Canadian government intend to use disease and starvation as a way to
"clear the plains"?
7.
Do
First Nations people still experience inequities in the health care system?
8.
Do the
current Canadian government ensure that both First Nations people and
mainstream Canadians have the same rights and responsibilities?
9.
Are
the living conditions on reserves improving nowadays?
Reference:
Daschuk, J. (2013). Clearing
the plains: Disease, the politics of starvation and the loss of aboriginal
life. Regina: University of Regina Press.
Hi Said, I really liked your notes! To answer one of your questions, #4. I do not think the gap is the same, but there is definitely still a gap between First Nations people and mainstream Canadians.
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